Unveiling the Shadows: Examining the Legacy of July 5, 1977 and the Enduring Effects of Martial Law

 The Legacy of July 5, 1977: Reflecting on Martial Law and Its Lasting Impact

July 5, 1977, holds great historical significance for Pakistan, as it marks the day when General Zia-ul-Haq imposed martial law, seizing control of the country. More than four decades have passed since that momentous day, yet it is important to reflect on the reasons behind its occurrence and the enduring impact it has had on the nation.

The events leading up to July 5, 1977, began with a nationwide protest against the first elected Prime Minister, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. The movement arose in response to allegations of election rigging earlier that year, gaining momentum across the country. Spearheaded by the Pakistan National Alliance, the movement rallied people around the cause of implementing Nizam-e-Mustafa, a system based on Islamic principles. Similar manipulation of religious sentiments can be witnessed even today, over four decades later.

During this period, acts of vandalism and street rallies became commonplace, resulting in casualties. However, the power of street protests alone was insufficient to remove Bhutto from power. It became necessary to create parliamentary instability, prompting the intervention of intelligence agencies. Some mistakes were made by the leadership of the Pakistan People's Party (PPP), and certain assembly members and party leaders were prone to switching allegiances whenever the need arose. These opportunistic individuals always align with the prevailing wind and find it challenging to swim against the tide.

On April 8, Bhutto expelled several individuals, including Taj Muhammad Lingah, Ahmad Raza Kasuri, and Yassin, due to their alleged activities against the party's interests. This move was followed by the resignation of Mubashir Hassan, the Secretary General of the PPP, on April 12, 1977. Subsequently, Fakhr-ul-Nisa Khokhar, a female PPP leader from Multan, also resigned from the party. Meanwhile, intelligence agencies began playing their games in the assemblies. Surprisingly, Chaudhry Aitzaz Ahsan, who was serving as the provincial law minister in the PPP government, became the first to resign from the Punjab Assembly in opposition to the Bhutto government. Aitzaz Ahsan had been involved in retired Air Marshal Asghar Khan's Istiqlal movement even before joining the PPP. He justified his resignation by citing the bureaucracy's disregard for his orders during the April 9 firing on protesters in Lahore.

On the same day, Abdul Hafeez Kardar from the Punjab Assembly and Sardar Ahmad Ali from the National Assembly also resigned. However, these resignations came too late to save the sinking ship. Bhutto, on the other hand, expelled Sardar Shaukat Hayat from the party for disciplinary violations. Meanwhile, the street movement continued unabated.

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was aware that major world powers were no longer keen on seeing him in power. During his tenure, he had advocated for the Arab world to utilize its oil wealth as a weapon, sought to unite the Islamic world, and took concrete steps toward making Pakistan a nuclear power. On April 28, Bhutto revealed to the parliament that the "elephant" (referring to the United States) was angry with him, unaware that it was tied to the slave of the desert (a metaphorical reference to General Zia-ul-Haq). Bhutto waved a letter he had received from US Secretary of State Cyrus Vance at an intersection on Murree Road, Rawalpindi, in an attempt to demonstrate his defiance.

Negotiations between the government and the opposition intensified in May, with Tehreek-e-Istiqlal chief Asghar Khan writing a letter to the generals, urging them to assume power in the country's best interest. Although the military initially did not pay much attention to the letter, they remained mindful of the broader interests of the nation. Negotiations between the government and the opposition commenced in June, facilitated by the direct intervention of the Saudi government in Pakistani affairs. Riaz al-Khatib, the Saudi Arabian ambassador to Pakistan, played a pivotal role in bringing government and opposition leaders to the negotiating table. Bhutto's team included Kausar Niazi and Hafeez Pirzada, while the opposition entrusted Mufti Mahmood, Nawabzada Nasrullah, and Professor Ghafoor with the responsibility of negotiations.

Throughout the talks, Bhutto received reports suggesting that the army might end his rule. However, he paid little heed to these warnings, as he considered General Zia-ul-Haq to be a reliable and credible military leader. Ignoring the senior officers, Bhutto appointed Zia-ul-Haq as the army chief due to his flattering demeanor, even recalling an incident when Zia lit a cigarette in front of him at Nawab Sadiq Hussain Qureshi's residence in Multan and casually placed it in his coat pocket.

The unrest caused by the 1977 elections eventually culminated in the events of July 5. It was a day that shattered Bhutto's belief that Zia-ul-Haq would merely overthrow him without seizing power for himself.

To understand Zia-ul-Haq's rise to power, it is crucial to trace his journey back to the mid-1970s when he was dispatched to Jordan as the commander of a contingent supporting the Shah Hussein government. During this deployment, his force successfully carried out operations against Palestinian militants, earning Zia-ul-Haq military honors from the Jordanian government. His opponents, however, mockingly referred to him as a "bandmaster" due to the wide belt he wore across his shoulder, associating him with the alleged massacre of Palestinians. It is believed that Zia-ul-Haq's contacts with the United States began during this period.

As the army chief, Zia-ul-Haq closely monitored the government-opposition negotiations. He was present during talks held at the Prime Minister's House, and on one occasion, attempted to sit in as an observer but was promptly removed from the room due to protests by Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan and Mufti Mahmood. Whenever a compromise or resolution seemed imminent, Zia-ul-Haq would sow further confusion through National Coalition leaders who were not part of the negotiations. Asghar Khan maintained constant contact with Zia-ul-Haq and was always ready to disrupt any agreement when opposition leaders sought final approval.

A month passed in this state of uncertainty, with talks between the government and the opposition continuing through the night as July arrived. The scent of conspiracy began to reach Bhutto, and on the night of July 4, he held an emergency press conference, announcing that matters with the opposition had been settled, and an agreement would be signed the following morning.

However, General Zia-ul-Haq had different plans. He prevented the signing of any agreement by imposing martial law on the country in the early hours of July 5, plunging Pakistan into a long and dark period of military rule that would last for 11 years.

The imposition of martial law on July 5, 1977, marked a significant turning point in Pakistan's history. It shattered the hopes of a peaceful resolution to the political crisis and ushered in an era of military rule that would have far-reaching consequences for the country.

The impact of martial law imposed on July 5, 1977, continues to reverberate throughout Pakistan's history. The country experienced a prolonged period of authoritarian rule under General Zia-ul-Haq, characterized by restrictions on civil liberties, curtailment of media freedom, and the suppression of political dissent.

During Zia-ul-Haq's regime, significant changes were implemented, including the Islamization of laws and institutions. The Hudood Ordinance, for instance, introduced strict Islamic punishments for various offenses, disproportionately affecting women and marginalized communities. The education system underwent a transformation with an emphasis on religious education, leading to a shift in the ideological landscape of the country.

Furthermore, Zia-ul-Haq's support for Afghan mujahideen fighters during the Soviet-Afghan War had profound implications. Pakistan became a major player in the regional conflict, receiving substantial military and financial aid from the United States and other countries. The consequences of this involvement, such as the influx of refugees and the growth of extremist ideologies, continue to shape Pakistan's internal dynamics and regional relationships.

The legacy of July 5, 1977, also highlights the fragility of democratic institutions and the vulnerability of political processes to manipulation. The events leading up to the imposition of martial law underscore the importance of transparent and fair elections, as well as the need for effective mechanisms to address grievances and ensure accountability.

It is crucial for Pakistanis to reflect on this historical episode and its lasting impact on their nation. Recognizing the erosion of democratic values and the detrimental effects of authoritarian rule is essential in shaping a more inclusive, participatory, and resilient democracy.

In the present day, Pakistan stands at a crossroads, with ongoing challenges and opportunities. Efforts must be made to strengthen democratic institutions, protect human rights, and promote social cohesion. Civil society, media organizations, and citizens at large play a crucial role in holding those in power accountable and shaping a future that upholds the principles of justice, equality, and democratic governance.

The legacy of July 5, 1977, serves as a reminder of the importance of learning from history, working towards a more democratic and inclusive society, and ensuring that the dark days of martial law are not forgotten but serve as a catalyst for positive change. By upholding democratic values and institutions, Pakistan can forge a path towards a brighter and more prosperous future for all its citizens.